HuffPost blogger Donovan argues that given the abundance of negative gay stereotypes, these examples should not be labeled as gay sexism, but rather sexism by gay men.
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Further research is needed to understand whether or not forms of sexism differ according to sexuality, along with potential predictor variables. However, complications exist when discussing the shortcomings of an already marginalized group, such as gay men Donovan Further confounding this issue is previous research that shows sexism and homophobic or anti-gay attitudes are often correlated. In the US, sexism positively predicted anti-lesbian attitudes Wilkinson Also in the UK, sexism has been correlated with anti-gay rights attitudes Davies ; Masser and Abrams In Canada, hostile sexism in men and hostile and benevolent sexism in women predicted negative attitudes towards gay and lesbian adoption Rye and Meaney In Italy, sexist, homophobic, and transphobic attitudes in teachers were positively correlated with straight conservative men who were religious Scandurra et al.
In Turkey, a correlation between anti-gay attitudes and hostile sexism was also found, especially in men Sakalli Overall, men dismiss the severity of sexual harassment more than women, even in the cases of man-to-man sexual harassment DeSouza and Solberg Given these findings, it seems reasonable to conclude gay men and women would shun problematic attitudes such as sexism and homophobia. Nevertheless, based on anecdotal and research evidence, there is a need to better understand how already marginalized groups can still hold biases against other marginalized groups.
Accordingly, this study uses the ambivalent sexism inventory ASI and several predictor variables in a survey of self-identified gay men in the UK and the US to investigate if and how sexism manifests. Glick and Fiske created ASI in order to explicate the commonly acknowledged hostile sexism, but to also bring attention to benevolent sexism, which masks as positive in cherishing women with chivalry.
Both are harmful to women because the former harbors negative views of women as inferior to men, while the latter reveres women but only in a traditional gendered role Glick and Fiske , a , b. It is the contrast and coinciding correlation between hostile and benevolent sexism, which creates ambivalence Glick et al. In-line with previous research on ambivalent sexism Hellmer et al. Religiosity is incorporated because it is often used as a potential predictor variable of both hostile and benevolent sexism Glick et al.
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Christianity is the predominant religion in the US Newport and the UK White , which has particularly been associated with benevolent sexism in men and women Glick et al. This study adds to previous literature on sexism by including religion as a predictor variable. Political ideology is also used based on previous studies which show it influences levels of ambivalent sexism in men and women Christopher and Mull Conservativism, for instance, often promotes ideas of traditional gender roles and accordingly, benevolent sexism is found in right-leaning people Glick et al. Also, used in this study are two predictor variables which are closely related to conservatism: Nationalism and anti-immigration attitudes.
Measuring nationalism and anti-immigration attitudes is particularly pertinent, due to recent findings in the US and UK connecting conservative led movements such as voting for Brexit Corbett or supporting Donald Trump Major et al. The inclusion of the above predictor variables can help to build upon previous research of conservatism and ambivalent sexism. Hunt ; Wang et al.
This study seeks to provide a more robust understanding of the phenomenon and its predictor variables. Finally, unique to this study, is the inclusion of mediated news to further explore the relationship between news consumption and ambivalent sexism. Ambivalent sexism is common for political journalists Blumell , in many newsrooms IWMF , and in news content Attenborough Consequently, more is needed to understand the possible connection to news consumption and ambivalent sexism. The US and UK were chosen as they share similarities.
Both countries accepted populist notions in by voting yes for Brexit and Donald Trump as president. Consequently, comparing and contrasting ASI in both countries can provide insight into common predictor variables and provide better understanding of international patterns of sexism among gay men. It is important to consider the intersectionality of various variables in order not to overgeneralize attitudes of gay men; furthermore, to pinpoint more accurately what factors correlate with ASI in gay men. By doing so, this study also examines to what extent predictor factors identified in a general population apply to gay men.
While this study focuses on ambivalent sexist attitudes of gay men in the US and UK, identifying male privilege under the theoretical lenses of intersectionality and hegemonic masculinity can provide context to why sexism has been found in gay men, and what factors contribute to it. Additionally, previous research shows a connection between privilege and sexism in both men and women Grubbs et al. Case et al.
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Social norms uphold privilege, often making it invisible and consequently unchallenged Wildman and David For instance, within lesbian and gay scholarship, gay men particularly those who are white have received the most attention; whereas, lesbian perspectives are often overlooked Ellis and Peel ; Houston and Kramarae ; Savin-Williams and Diamond A gendering of sexualities also exists, evidenced by the stark contrast between the stereotyping of gay men and that of lesbian women Edwards Though developed throughout the twentieth century, Crenshaw is primarily credited as the first to use the word intersectionality to describe the multiple factors that contribute to individual lived experiences.
Intersectionality, specifically, is used to identify privilege and inequality Gopaldas It addresses the basic questions: Who is included within a social group? How are members different or similar because of the inequalities they face? Cole Cole explains by recognizing social hierarchies, researchers can better identify how social groups intersect such as race, gender, sexuality, SES, ability, etc. Failing to acknowledge how members within specific groups differ from one another has led to favoring some marginalized groups over others in the quest for human rights.
For example, political intersectionality describes the precedence of focusing on one disadvantage of a group that is otherwise privileged, thus excluding those of multiple subordinate identities Cole ; Crenshaw The purpose of intersectionality is not, however, to pit marginalized groups against each other—but rather to address power structures and form allies within and between groups Cole ; Montgomery and Stewart Hegemonic masculinity contends societal norms privilege men to dominate women Connell By doing so, it aggrandizes an ideal masculinity, even if not all men enact it Connell Hegemonic masculinity also privileges men in public and private social, political, and economic institutions, thus creating a patriarchal status quo Connell and Connell The prejudice, and even violence, gay men have experienced from straight men evidences a hierarchy of masculinities, positioning straight, cisgender males at the top Connell and Messerschmidt This hierarchy negatively impacts men who do not ascribe to traditional masculinity, including prejudice from straight and gay men Taywaditep For example, Cohen et al.
Hegemonic masculinity manifests in gay men thorough a process called mascing, where gay men reinforce their own masculinity by policing their rhetoric and actions, as well as maintaining masculine norms by seeking out masculine partners Rodriguez et al. Those not as masculine are othered and ridiculed, thus creating a hierarchy of masculinities within the gay community. Moreover, Keiller found male narcissism is most strongly connected to hostile sexism towards straight women over lesbian women and gay men.
The inventory defines two categories of sexism: hostile and benevolent. Just as the patriarchal status quo maintains traditional gender roles delineated in hegemonic masculinity and male privilege in general, both hostile and benevolent sexism are enforced by male power structures, but in different ways Glick and Fiske Hostile sexism antagonistically berates. Ambivalence is further exasperated by men having a higher status than women, but ultimately depending on women for at least reproduction and intimacy—making sexism unique in that the offender and the target can be closely connected Lee et al.
Glick and Fiske b, p. While hostile sexism is often recognized as negative, the impact of benevolent sexism is underestimated and consequently endorsed by men and women Bosson et al. For instance, a 19 country study showed men had higher levels of hostile sexism than women, but women had similar or sometimes higher levels of benevolent sexism as men Glick and Fiske a.
Interestingly, research shows hostile sexism can be significantly reduced through diversity education, but the same is not true for reducing benevolent sexism Case Benevolent sexism is sub-divided into three sub-scales: protective paternalism , complementary gender differentiation , and heterosexual intimacy. Glick and Fiske developed the three sub-scales in their original study to address different aspects of benevolent sexism. Firstly, protective paternalism situates women as needing a male authority to watch over them, as expected of a father to his children Glick and Fiske Complementary gender differentiation distinguishes women as having specific feminine traits, such as purity and morality, which balance masculine traits of power and dominance Glick and Fiske This study eliminates heterosexual intimacy since the sampled population is gay men.
Over the past three decades, ambivalent sexism has been observed in various scenarios including amongst gay men. For instance, Zheng and Zheng used ambivalent sexism in a sample of gay men to understand if gender expectations established by heterosexual men and women were applicable. Notably, they found that hostile sexism was significantly correlated to a preference for traditionally masculine faces, but not to benevolent sexism Zheng and Zheng Also using ambivalent sexism, Zheng et al.
The purpose of asking two general research questions is to account for the various predictor variables that will be analyzed through the multiple statistical analyses of the benevolent sexism and hostile sexism scales. Since this is an exploratory study, which seeks to understand how variables that predicted ambivalent sexism in general populations manifest in gay men, research questions were only used and not hypotheses. Also important to ambivalent sexism research are various predictor variables such as religiosity, political ideology, personality, education, and even facial hair Hellmer et al.
Within the two broad research questions, this study looks at two commonly tested predictor variables: religiosity and political ideology to understand how they manifest in gay men. It also looks at three overlooked, but perhaps significant factors that may result in significance: nationalism, anti-immigration attitudes, and news consumption. Most major world religions rely on a patriarchal status quo which subjugates women and, accordingly, previous research shows correlation between ambivalent sexism and religiosity.
Furthermore, Islamic religiosity correlates with benevolent sexism for men and women, and hostile sexism for men Tasdemir and Sakalli-Ugurlu The same was partially true for Israeli Jewish men and women in terms of benevolent sexism, but hostile sexism actually decreased for men with religiosity Gaunt In Christianity, correlations have been found in benevolent sexism, but not hostile Glick et al. Maltby et al.
Just like many religions, conservative values also uphold a patriarchal status quo, which has been connected to ambivalent sexism Christopher and Mull ; Feather and McKee Specifically, benevolent sexism found in men and women correlates with conservative ideology which genders women to traditional roles Glick et al. Nonetheless, hostile sexism and traditional gendered attitudes were predictor variables for voting Donald Trump in the US presidential election Bock et al.
Although not all research is neatly divided between political ideologies. For instance, Huang et al. Part of political ideology are nationalism and anti-immigration attitudes, which are understudied as predictor variables of sexism. Thobani did assert that anti-immigration attitudes and nationalism in Canada were linked to a history of racism and sexism, namely against aboriginal women and women of color.
In an experiment, Sarrasin et al. News consumption as a predictor of sexism is understudied, especially when considering news organizations have a history of producing sexist content, and tolerating sexism in the workplace Attenborough Not to mention the long list of high profile news personnel who have faced recent accusations of various forms of sexual harassment for a list see e. Corey This study employed a single-wave survey on self-identified gay men in the UK and the US.
Recruitment was performed by Qualtrics, a third-party web-based data collection. Inclusion criteria for participants included that participants must self-identify as 1 male; 2 gay; and 3 be of legal voting age. Participants were asked questions that focused on media consumption, religion, political ideology, nationalism, anti-immigration attitudes, and ambivalent sexism.
Data was collected over a ten-day time period in October In regards to the sample: 1 An eighteen-item sexism scale was adapted from Glick and Fiske Participants were asked their agreement on a seven-point scale—strongly disagree to strongly agree. In the original study, four variables formed a sub-scale of benevolent sexism titled heterosexual intimacy. Since the participants in this study identified as gay, this subscale was eliminated.
The remaining variables were run in a Promax factor analysis with a strong Kaiser—Meyer—Olkin result of. For hostile sexism, all but three variables loaded as expected.
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For the two subscales of benevolent sexism, protective paternalism loaded as expected, with the exception of the reverse coded variable. All variables loaded as expected for the complementary gender differentiation scale. The skewness of the variable was.
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The television and online variables were then combined to form three separate variables labeled: conservative media, moderate media, and liberal media. To answer the research questions, which sought to understand how benevolent sexism RQ1 and hostile sexism RQ2 compared between the US and UK, several statistical tests were run. Firstly, to understand overall levels of ambivalent sexism, independent t-tests were run. The results show that ambivalent sexism manifests differently between countries. Even though the mean for both scales was within 1 scale point, it was significant.
Multiple regressions were then performed to investigate religiosity, political ideology, nationalism, anti-immigration attitudes, and media consumption conservative, moderate, and liberal in ambivalent sexism. This includes controlling for race, education, and household income. The only significant predictor for both countries however, was religiosity. Some of the variables had a negative correlation for both countries, such as political ideology, but none were significant.
Other variables were positive for one country, while being negative for another, but again without significance.
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The importance of this analysis shows how the traditional views of cherishing women and positioning women and men in traditional gendered norms Glick et al. Nationalism and anti-immigration attitudes were significant for both countries. Religiosity was significant for the UK. In the US, consuming conservative news media was significantly positive, but consuming moderate media was significantly negative.
Finally, Asian participants in the US also had significance. Interestingly, nationalism and anti-immigration attitudes, often associated with conservativism, were significant. This shows the importance of connecting sexuality beyond political ideology alone to also include other potential, yet often overlooked, predictor variables. This study measured ambivalent sexism of gay men in the US and UK. Its purpose was to 1 understand how hostile and benevolent sexism manifest in gay men, and 2 test predictor variables, which can influence levels of ambivalent sexism.
ASI Glick and Fiske was used to examine hostile antipathy towards women and benevolent attitudes of cherishing, but subjugating women sexism. Benevolent sexism is further divided into three sub-scales: protective paternalism, complementary gender differentiation, and heterosexual sexual intimacy Glick and Fiske Only the first two were used for this study. Sexism is ubiquitous—found in men and women, different cultures and countries, etc. Glick et al.