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Hastings described his time as Attorney General as "my idea of hell" - he was the only Law Officer available, since the Solicitor General was not a Member of Parliament, and as a result had to answer all queries about points of law in Parliament. In addition, he had his normal duties of dealing with the legal problems of government departments, and said that the day was "one long rush between the law courts, government departments and the House of Commons".
In Hastings became involved in the Campbell Case , a prosecution which eventually led to the downfall of the Labour government. The newspaper contained an article which urged members of the military to refuse to shoot their "fellow workers" in a time of war. Campbell , for violating the Incitement to Mutiny Act On 6 August Campbell's house was raided, and he was arrested by the police. On the same day John Scurr , a Labour backbencher , asked the Home Secretary why Campbell had been detained and on whose orders. Another Labour backbencher, Jimmy Maxton , rose and asked the Prime Minister "if he has read the article, and if he is aware that the article contains mainly a call to the troops not to allow themselves to be used in industrial disputes, and that that point of view is shared by a large number of Members sitting on these benches?
The reaction of the public and the press was that the case had been thrown out because of direct pressure from the government, and that this had happened behind closed doors. A Parliamentary debate and motion to censure the Labour government on this was set for 8 October, but before this MacDonald called Hastings into his office and suggested a way to solve the problem. Hastings would accept all the blame and resign as Attorney General, and in exchange MacDonald and the rest of the cabinet would speak for Hastings at the resulting by-election.
Immediately after the debate began the Prime Minister rose to speak, and said that he "sought to correct the impression [I] gave" that he knew nothing about the prosecution. His speech took over an hour, and was frequently interrupted by Conservative MPs. His speech quieted the Conservatives and made it clear that a censure for the entire Parliament was going to be difficult for the Whips to enforce.
The Liberal spokesman John Simon stood to speak, however, and called for the appointment of a Select Committee to investigate the case. The Conservative leader Stanley Baldwin privately wrote to MacDonald offering to withdraw the motion of censure in exchange for the government's support for the appointment of a Select Committee. MacDonald consulted with Jimmy Thomas and Hastings whose reply was simply "Go to hell" and decided to reject the offer.
Although the motion of censure failed, the motion to appoint a Select Committee passed the House over the opposition of the government, and the Labour government was forced out of office. Hastings was again returned for Wallsend at the ensuing election, despite the crisis caused by the Zinoviev Letter , although with a reduced majority.
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After suffering from kidney problems during , he left Parliament by accepting the nominal position of Steward of the Manor of Northstead — a legal fiction office with the same effect as, but less well known than, the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds [93] [94] on 29 June ; this enabled Margaret Bondfield , who had lost her seat in the previous election, to return to Parliament in his place at the ensuing by-election. He never returned to politics.
After leaving politics, Hastings returned to his work as a barrister, and eventually surpassed even his previous reputation and success as an advocate. Mitchell-Hedges , a noted professional explorer, in his libel action against London Express Newspapers, the owner of the Daily Express. Melville representing London Express Newspapers. In , Hastings became involved in the Savidge Inquiry.
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On 23 April , he and Irene Savidge were sitting in Hyde Park in London when they were arrested by two plain-clothes police officers and taken to the nearest police station, where they were charged under the Parks Regulation Act with committing an indecent offence. At the next hearing a week later, the case was dismissed by the magistrate, who criticised the police for failing to contact a man seen running through the park to establish some kind of corroborative evidence, and failing to report at once to Scotland Yard to avoid having to charge the defendants immediately.
After his release, Money immediately spoke to his official contacts, and the next morning the matter was raised in the House of Commons. It was suggested that the police evidence was perjured , and as a result the Home Secretary William Joynson-Hicks instructed Sir Archibald Bodkin, the Director of Public Prosecutions, to investigate the possibility of perjury.
The next day, two police officers Inspector Collins and Sergeant Clarke and one policewoman Lilian Wyles called at Savidge's workplace and took her to Scotland Yard, where she was questioned. After they arrived at Scotland Yard, Collins told Wyles that he was going to send Savidge home, and Wyles could leave. After Wyles had left, Collins began interviewing Savidge, threatening that she and Money would "suffer severely" if she did not tell the truth.
The final report of the tribunal was released on 13 June and consisted of both a majority report and a minority one, since not all of the tribunal members agreed on the validity of Savidge's evidence. The majority report said that Savidge was not intimidated into answering questions, nor treated inappropriately, and that "we are unable therefore to accept Miss Savidge's statement.
We are satisfied that the interrogation followed the lines indicated to [Collins] by the Director of Public Prosecutions and was not unduly extended". Hastings was next involved in United Diamond Fields of British Guiana Ltd v Joel and Others , which he considered both his most difficult and most interesting case. For this to work, they had to control the entire output of diamonds in the world, which they planned to do by acquiring interests in all of the diamond mines. The company used Oppenheimer as a technical adviser, and immediately arranged to have its diamonds sold to the syndicate.
The price was to be fixed for six months, with an auditor's certificate at the end of that time used to negotiate a new price. In the same time frame, a new deposit of diamonds was discovered in South Africa, forcing the syndicate to acquire several million pounds worth of these new diamonds to prevent their control over the market being destroyed. To correct this, the syndicate were forced to reduce the flow of diamonds from British Guiana, which they did by getting Oppenheimer to reduce the price of Guianan diamonds to the point where the company output dropped from 2, carats 0.
Oppenheimer then claimed that the profits were only five percent, forcing the company to reduce the price yet again. As a result of this the company was forced into liquidation in September A company board member, Victor Coen, was convinced that the company had been treated wrongly and insisted in bringing it before the courts. He was interviewed over seven days by Hastings, then Bevan and then Birkett. Eight days into the trial the matter of the certificate came up, and Oppenheimer was unable to provide an explanation. As a result, the jury found against the syndicate - they were ordered to pay back all of the company's costs, and all of its losses.
Patrick Hastings
The director of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company , Lord Kylsant , had falsified a trading prospectus with the aid of the company accountant, John Morland, to make it look as if the company was profitable and to entice potential investors. At the same time, he had been falsifying accounting records by drawing money from the reserves and having it appear on the records as profit.
Following an independent audit instigated by the Treasury , Kylsant and John Morland, the company auditor, were arrested and charged with falsifying both the trading prospectus and the company records and accounts. Conway for John Morland. The main defence on the use of secret reserve accounting came with the help of Lord Plender.
Plender was one of the most important and reliable accountants in Britain, and under cross-examination stated that it was routine for firms "of the very highest repute" to use secret reserves in calculating profit without declaring it. Well known to dislike appearing in capital cases and having a heavy workload, Hastings hesitated in when approached by Sir John Mullens, a trustee of the Stock Exchange, to defend his daughter Elvira Mullens Barney on a charge of murder. Mrs Barney, who led a dissolute life of partying and drug-taking, was accused of shooting her lover in the Knightsbridge mews house they shared; she insisted that her gun had gone off by accident in a struggle.
Hastings was persuaded to take the case by his wife who remembered that their children had shared a governess who had also cared for "dear little Elvira". He appeared at the Magistrates' Court, where he cross-examined the forensic scientist Sir Bernard Spilsbury [] and at a three-day trial in the Old Bailey where Hastings was described by Peter Cotes in his book about the case as "the star performer".
At the Old Bailey one of the principal crown witnesses was firearms expert Robert Churchill, who testified that the trigger of Mrs Barney's gun had a strong pull. When Hastings rose to cross-examine, he took up the gun, pointed it to the ceiling and repeatedly pulled the trigger over and over again. One crown witness had said that on another occasion she saw Elvira Barney firing the gun while holding it in her left hand; when he called his client Hastings had the gun placed in front of her.
After a pause he shouted at her to pick up the gun and she spontaneously picked it up in her right hand. The Judge Mr Justice Humphreys described Hastings' final address as "certainly one of the finest speeches I have ever heard at the Bar" and Elvira Barney was found not guilty both of murder and manslaughter.
Hastings appeared for Sir Oswald Mosley in several cases during the s, having become friends with him while in Parliament. Birkett argued that The Star article was nothing more than a summary of Mosley's speech, and that any comments implying the overthrow of the British government were found in the speech itself. I do ask for such damages as will mark [the jury's] sense of the injustice which has been done to Sir Oswald".