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Masculinities: Liberation through Photography explores the ways in which masculinity is variously experienced, performed, coded and socially constructed as expressed and documented through photography and film from the s to the present day. With masculinity under the microscope as never before, the exhibition surveys the representation of masculinities in all their myriad forms, rife with contradiction and complexity. Touching on themes of queer identity, the black body, power and patriarchy, the perception of men by women, heteronormative stereotypes, hegemonic masculinity and the family, the works in the show present masculinity as an unfixed performative identity shaped by cultural and social forces.

Over the last five decades, artists have consistently sought to disrupt and disturb the narrow definitions of gender that determine social structures in order to encourage new ways of thinking about identity, gender and sexuality. Ultimately, the performance of masculinities as expressed through the work in the exhibition underscore the instability of gender and throw light on the challenges and complexities of being male as well as any simple definition of masculinity. By reconfiguring the representation of traditional masculinity — loosely defined as an idealised, dominant heterosexual masculinity — the artists presented in this section challenge our ideas of these hypermasculine stereotypes.

But this is the expression of an existential rather than sexual outlet My maleness is chance, not choice, and my imagery is more concerned with the psychosexual than with identity and anxiety. A pioneer in the field of self-portraiture, Coplans deliberately jettisoned conventional ideals of youthful male beauty when he began forensically photographing his own ageing body in the mids. Through his black-and-white self-portraits which home in on fragments of the body, Coplans reveals the white male as someone who is not necessarily powerful and strong, but as someone who is also human and vulnerable.

By photographing his body in the later years of his life, Coplans confronts issues of ageing and deterioration, subjects generally ignored and feared in contemporary society. To that end, the artists gathered in this rather mischievously titled section have all variously attempted to subvert, destabilise and expose how certain types of behaviour associated with hegemonic dominance and power create inequalities both within and between genders.

As the esteemed Australian sociologist R. Connell has noted:. At any given time, one form of masculinity rather than others is culturally exalted. Hegemonic masculinity can be defined as the configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees or is taken to guarantee the dominant position of men and the subordination of women.

Consisting of works from several earlier documentary photographic series — including Die Vier Hoeke The Four Corners; , a study of life inside Pollsmoor Prison in Cape Town; Umjiegwana: The Outside , a startling exploration of the life of former prisoners and the hardships they encounter after release ; and Beaufort West , images of a disenfranchised town situated along the main artery that slices through the country — these troubling colour prints which often represent the black male body being subjected to violence and oppression are an attempt to expose and destabilise systems of hegemonic male power that enable and normalise these acts of violence.

Since its invention, photography has been a powerful vehicle in the construction and documentation of family narratives. Few families resolutely set out to record the look of everyday life, such as messy kitchens and unmade beds.

Here we run into the major dilemma for the hero: can he be the narrator of his own story? Can he speak in the first person of his own exploits in war? But there is a grand tradition of the unsung hero. A decent working definition of the hero is: someone who says nothing or not much and confines himself to pure doing. He acts and then keeps his mouth shut.

A hero needs a Homer.

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This is only partly because, more often than not, there is a legal gag on telling tales. He is subject to the Official Secrets Act or the equivalent. But he is also constrained by the code of modesty. The hero, if he says anything, is always self-deprecating. On the other hand Billy is very good at swearing. Thus the reality of the hero is that he has to say something. Self-repression leads straight into PTSD.

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Hero turns anti-hero. Billingham was inspired to join up by tales of veterans returning from the Falklands. Now 53, then a teenage rebel, troublemaker and discontent. Brought up on a council estate in the Midlands, he became an artful dodger, going about stealing hats from old guys, until one old guy ran after him, caught him, and persuaded him to go to his gym and learn to box.

Billingham is above all a survivor. Billingham has become a talisman because — almost miraculously, as if blessed by the gods — he has been able to walk through shot and shell, IEDs and landmines, and come out the other end, more or less unscathed.

The most time he has spent in hospital has been with a dose of cerebral malaria. The true hero is vulnerable, mortal. Not a Marvel superhero. The army prizes the hard man. Maybe we all do.

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We want the abs bordering on armour plating, like a shield or suit of armour. So the bullets will just bounce off. That is the myth, at any rate. The toughest guy in the whole regiment. He marches off into the jungle one day and not long after they hear him screaming. A group of men, led by Billingham, go trooping off after him, assuming he has been taken captive, and is almost certainly being tortured. They locate him quickly enough. No sign of the enemy. But the big news about SAS: Who Dares Wins is that the fourth series, now in preparation, will have women recruits as well as men.

It sounds too much like a weepy sentimental movie or a damsel in distress. Women fight in the front line. This is the age of the rogue female. I spoke recently to Ruth Shackleton: distant relative of the Antarctic explorer, she spent 20 years in the RAF, rose to squadron leader, did tours of duty in all the usual hellholes, and orchestrated the Red Arrows. She totally denies ever being a hero. She reckons her most heroic moment was when, with Scud rockets from Baghdad raining down, she helped a comrade who had temporarily lost it put on her chemical protection suit.

Which demonstrates grace under pressure. Do heroes need to be less modest? The ancient myth of the hero was largely to do with defining and asserting masculinity. Aeneas dumps Dido. Theseus uses Ariadne and her thread to negotiate the labyrinth — where he slays the Minotaur — and then sails away. The contemporary woman hero is fighting back, mainly against patriarchy. With few exceptions, findings such as a somewhat elevated occurrence of male SSA among maternal relatives otherwise, still not confirmed , 31 or the slightly higher frequency of older brothers among homosexual than heterosexual men 32 have been presented as support of an ad hoc —and most complicated—physiological theory, despite the existence of a simple and straightforward explanation based on psychological observations.

Nor have neuroanatomical correlates of SSA been demonstrated, despite a few invalidated suggestions to the contrary. For example, an initial report of larger inter-hemispheric fiber bundles in SSA men could not be replicated. Ten years later, Byne found a non-significant smaller ratio of INAH3 volume to brain weight in homosexual men who had died of AIDS than in deceased heterosexual male drug users, but the nuclei of both groups contained the same number of neurons. Also, many brain function studies with SSA persons are subject to prejudiced biological interpretations—and publicity.

For example, sex-atypical functional hemispheric asymmetry and connectivity findings, such as those reported in one study, 38 even if they would be replicated, may be accounted for by various factors other than inherent differences in brain structures or functions between homosexuals and controls e.

Further, in the theoretical case of a proven physical correlate of a behavioral trait such as homosexuality, it does not logically follow that the physical variable is a cause, nor even a disposition that would of itself facilitate or catalyze homosexual development. Such a correlate might as well be the biological basis of some physical or temperamental peculiarity which in itself is unrelated to sexual orientation but only indirectly predisposes to it, depending on a the reactions of the child's environment to that peculiarity or b the child's self-perception or self-image with respect to it.

Dante had it wrong. The observation that the homosexual twins of monozygotic pairs with heterosexual co-twins had more gender nonconformity interests and behaviors than their co-twins, 41 as we saw illustrated in the case of Nicholas Black, leads to a discussion of the importance of the peer factor in the psychogenesis of homosexuality. For this, gender nonconformity cannot be explained genetically or hormonally in view of the absence of evidence for hormonal abnormalities in persons with SSA. There is an unbroken record of replications of this phenomenon in all kinds of samples, clinical and nonclinical, in various countries and cultures, and for over half a century.

The terminology suggests attitudes normally displayed by the opposite sex, thus feminine tendencies in men with SSA, and masculine tendencies in women. That explanation is only partly adequate, though.

It is true that many people with SSA show a degree of cross-gender attitudes, 43 a minority even to a high degree. It engenders the self-view of gender inferiority and accompanying feelings of loneliness and distress or grief. In early adolescence and adolescence, this not belonging fuels a longing to belong to the same-sex community. And this may give rise to homo-erotic friendship fantasies. These two parental factors are typical of the boyhood of most men with SSA in the Western world and—perhaps with some variations 54 —also in non-Western cultures.

For example, some fathers behaved like overprotecting mothers; in other cases, both parents were overprotective. Some men with SSA had older parents for instance, one of the younger children of a larger family , while some were brought up by their grandparents, and others by adoptive parents. Habits were formed such as physical fearfulness, over-sensitivity, lack of firmness, softness to self, lack of initiative, submissiveness, over-docility and primness, over-domesticated behavior, infantility and naivety, behavioral inhibition, or narcissism and superiority ideas.

Relatively many pre-homosexual boys were overly influenced by, attached to, or dependent on their mother, imitating her behavior and attitudes although this does not necessarily imply affectionate closeness , whereas the father did not play much of a role, or was perceived as rejecting. Parental influences on pre-lesbian girls often discouraged feminine habits, interests, and roles. For example, the girl may have been too much her father's comrade, the father too prominent in her education while the mother was hardly involved, or the father was not much interested in her as a girl, or not affectionate, or neglectful in other ways.

Relatively many parents had emotional problems or were emotionally imbalanced, and many marriages were not happy. It may be noted that the love of parents who overly attach a child to themselves is often more self-directed than child-directed the bond of Marcel Proust [—] with his mother is a classic example.