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With regard to sexual orientation categories, asexuality may be argued as not being a meaningful category to add to the continuum, and instead argued as the lack of a sexual orientation or sexuality. The suggestion that asexuality is a sexual dysfunction is controversial among the asexual community. Those who identify as asexual usually prefer it to be recognized as a sexual orientation.
Because of these facts coming to light, it is reasoned that asexuality is more than a behavioral choice and is not something that can be cured like a disorder. Research on the etiology of sexual orientation when applied to asexuality has the definitional problem of sexual orientation not consistently being defined by researchers as including asexuality. While some asexuals masturbate as a solitary form of release or have sex for the benefit of a romantic partner, others do not see above. The Kinsey Institute sponsored another small survey on the topic in , which found that self-identified asexuals "reported significantly less desire for sex with a partner, lower sexual arousability, and lower sexual excitation but did not differ consistently from non-asexuals in their sexual inhibition scores or their desire to masturbate".
Johnson, is explicitly devoted to asexuality in humans. She portrays them as invisible, "oppressed by a consensus that they are non-existent," and left behind by both the sexual revolution and the feminist movement. Johnson argued that society either ignores or denies their existence or insists they must be ascetic for religious reasons, neurotic, or asexual for political reasons.
In a study published in in volume five of Advances in the Study of Affect , as well as in another article using the same data and published in in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , Michael D. Storms of the University of Kansas outlined his own reimagining of the Kinsey scale. Whereas Kinsey measured sexual orientation based on a combination of actual sexual behavior and fantasizing and eroticism, Storms used only fantasizing and eroticism. Storms, however, placed hetero-eroticism and homo-eroticism on separate axes rather than at two ends of a single scale; this allows for a distinction between bisexuality exhibiting both hetero- and homo-eroticism in degrees comparable to hetero- or homosexuals, respectively and asexuality exhibiting a level of homo-eroticism comparable to a heterosexual and a level of hetero-eroticism comparable to a homosexual, namely, little to none.
This type of scale accounted for asexuality for the first time. In a study by Paula Nurius, which included subjects most of whom were students at various universities in the United States taking psychology or sociology classes , the two-dimensional fantasizing and eroticism scale was used to measure sexual orientation.
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Based on the results, respondents were given a score ranging from 0 to for hetero-eroticism and from 0 to for homo-eroticism. Respondents who scored lower than 10 on both were labeled "asexual". Results showed that asexuals reported much lower frequency and desired frequency of a variety of sexual activities including having multiple partners, anal sexual activities, having sexual encounters in a variety of locations, and autoerotic activities. A paper written by Karli June Cerankowski and Megan Milks, titled New Orientations: Asexuality and Its Implications for Theory and Practice , suggests that asexuality may be somewhat of a question in itself for the studies of gender and sexuality.
The asexual movement challenges that assumption by challenging many of the basic tenets of pro-sex feminism [in which it is] already defined as repressive or anti-sex sexualities. This formula, if dissected scientifically and proven, would support researcher Simon LeVay 's blind study of the hypothalamus in gay men, women, and straight men, which indicates that there is a biological difference between straight men and gay men. In , Cerankowski and Milks edited and published Asexualities: Feminist and Queer Perspectives , a collection of essays intended to explore the politics of asexuality from a feminist and queer perspective.
Each part contains two to three papers on a given aspect of asexuality research. One such paper is written by Ela Przybylo, another name that is becoming common in asexual scholarly literature.
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Her article, with regard to the Cerankowski and Milks anthology, focuses on accounts by self-identified male asexuals, with a particular focus on the pressures men experience towards having sex in dominant Western discourse and media. Three men living in Southern Ontario, Canada, were interviewed in , and Przybylo admits that the small sample-size means that her findings cannot be generalized to a greater population in terms of representation, and that they are "exploratory and provisional", especially in a field that is still lacking in theorizations.
Another of Przybylo's works, Asexuality and the Feminist Politics of "Not Doing It" , published in , takes a feminist lens to scientific writings on asexuality. Pryzyblo argues that asexuality is made possible only through the Western context of "sexual, coital, and heterosexual imperatives". In this article, Przybylo once again asserts the understanding of asexuality as a cultural phenomenon, and continues to be critical of its scientific study.
CJ DeLuzio Chasin states in Reconsidering Asexuality and Its Radical Potential that academic research on asexuality "has positioned asexuality in line with essentialist discourses of sexual orientation" which is troublesome as it creates a binary between asexuals and persons who have been subjected to psychiatric intervention for disorders such as Hypoactive Sexual Desire Disorder.
Chasin states that asexuality has the power to challenge commonplace discourse of the naturalness of sexuality, but that the unquestioned acceptance of its current definition does not allow for this. Chasin also argues there and elsewhere in Making Sense in and of the Asexual Community: Navigating Relationships and Identities in a Context of Resistance that it is important to interrogate why someone might be distressed about low sexual desire.
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Chasin further argues that clinicians have an ethical obligation to avoid treating low sexual desire per se as pathological, and to discuss asexuality as a viable possibility where relevant with clients presenting clinically with low sexual desire. Scholar Ianna Hawkins Owen writes that "Studies of race have revealed the deployment of asexuality in the dominant discourse as an ideal sexual behavior to justify both the empowerment of whites and the subordination of blacks to uphold a racialized social and political system. Bogaert argues that understanding asexuality is of key importance to understanding sexuality in general.
This definition of asexuality also makes clear this distinction between behavior and desire, for both asexuality and celibacy, although Bogaert also notes that there is some evidence of reduced sexual activity for those who fit this definition. He further distinguishes between desire for others and desire for sexual stimulation, the latter of which is not always absent for those who identify as asexual, although he acknowledges that other theorists define asexuality differently and that further research needs to be done on the "complex relationship between attraction and desire".
In an earlier article, Bogaert acknowledges that a distinction between behavior and attraction has been accepted into recent conceptualizations of sexual orientation, which aids in positioning asexuality as such. An academic work dealing with the history of the asexual community is presently lacking. For some, being a part of a community is an important resource because they often report having felt ostracized. Some question the concept of online community, while others depend on the online asexual community heavily for support.
Elizabeth Abbott posits that there has always been an asexual element in the population, but that asexual people kept a low profile.